In an audacious reworking of a cliché,
a Republican member of the House of Representatives recently claimed
that Freedom Caucus members' plan to rewrite the Rules of the House
was intended simply to put things back the way they belonged. The FC
acolyte claimed further that it was Nancy Pelosi who'd butchered
regs, by radically reworking the structure under which the People's
House must operate. Hard to imagine a more blatant
misrepresentation; a pot calling a kettle black is not even close.
Far-right Republicans have a ravenous
appetite for dragging those who disagree with them through the mud.
That's the reason for the examination of House rules that is this
blog.
House Rules and How They Evolve
We'll begin with the Rules established for the 109th
Congress, and continue forward chronologically to today. We'll start
with a quick first lesson.
Numbering Congresses
Congresses and their Rules are numbered, not by anything done by
the Senate (whose rules are nearly static, changing little from
Congress to Congress), but rather by the number of times there'd been
an incoming House of Representatives. Since that occurs every two
years, some simple arithmetic will orient us.
2005
(the year of the 109th
Congress)
minus 1787 (the year of the first Congress) = 218
218 divided by 2
= 109
That's where we'll begin our
examination.
Another easy-to-grasp point: the
structure of the presentation of the Rules varies little
from Congress to Congress. We've looked at all Congresses starting
with the 109th, and the Tables of Contents of each of
their compilations of Rules are quite similar. As interesting is the
fact that several Congresses largely adopted the Rules of their
predecessor – e.g. the 112th doing so with the rules of
the 111th. As a matter of fact, let the 112th
speak for itself:
H.
Res. 5
In the House of Representatives, U. S., January 5, 2011.
Resolved,
That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the One Hundred Eleventh Congress, including applicable provisions of
law or concurrent resolution that constituted rules of the
House at the end of the One Hundred Eleventh Congress, are
adopted as the Rules of the House of Representatives of the One
Hundred Twelfth Congress, with amendments to the standing rules
Other than font face, emphasis, and size,
the citation above is completely a copy of the records of the 112th
Congress. We'll point out later how amendments like those just
mentioned fit into the flowchart. But remember that, in a nutshell,
whatever the number of the Congress in question, a Congress adopts,
with adjustments, the rules of the immediately
preceding Congress – with, for instance, the 117th
working with the rules package of the 116th.
That's part of what makes the 118th
Congress an outlier, to say the least. This year, Republicans in the
House are giddy, exuberant over taking control of that chamber.
These same Republicans intend to use a combination of machete and
sledge-hammer on the Rules. Their new Rules Committee has announced
a summary of proposed changes. The first thing that jumped
out at us? Limitations on passing increases to Federal income taxes:
A
bill or joint resolution, amendment, or conference report carrying a
Federal income tax rate increase may not be considered as passed or
agreed to unless so determined by a vote of not less than
three-fifths of the Members voting, a quorum (that is, the number of officers or members of a body that when assembled is legally able to transact business) being present.
Again, font
characteristics are the only detail in this excerpt that do not
originate with the House.
To be more
complete, in the House of Representatives, a quorum can be almost
whatever the leadership of the House determines it to be. The Legal
Information Institute of Cornell Law School cites Article 1 Section 5
Clause 1 of our Constitution,
and then elaborates:
For
many years the view prevailed in the House of Representatives that it
was necessary for a majority of the members to vote on any
proposition submitted to the House in order to satisfy the
constitutional requirement for a quorum. It was a common practice for
the opposition to break a quorum by refusing to vote. This was
changed in 1890, by a ruling made by Speaker Reed and later embodied
in Rule XV of the House, that members present in the chamber but not
voting would be counted in determining the presence of a quorum. The
Supreme Court upheld this rule in United States v. Ballin, saying
that the capacity of the House to transact business is “created by
the mere presence of a majority,” and that since the Constitution
does not prescribe any method for determining the presence of such
majority “it is therefore within the competency of the House to
prescribe any method which shall be reasonably certain to ascertain
the fact.”
Note
that the last time a super-majority was called for in the House was
when
that body expelled James
Traficant
in 2002.
Any
evaluation of rules changes should be able to incorporate referernces
to members of the new Rules Committee. But, as of 2:45 PM EST
Monday, Jan. 9, 2023, no list of members of this Committee was
available. Nonetheless, actions promoted by, and voted in by,
members of this Committee could endanger, if not gut, valuable
programs.
We'll
examine every such possibility in subsequent posts.